FETISHISM AND INDIGENISM

IN ANNE MCCLINTOCK’S IMPERIAL LEATHER

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By Alison Kooistra

ANT 426H1F

10 December 2003

 

 

Instructor’s Comments:

This is an outstanding review.  What I liked about it is that 1) It is structured by the reviewer’s views rather than by the book’s contents, 2) it makes a clear statement on what the book is about, 3) it makes a clear statement of the book’s qualities and shortcomings, 4) it is rich in detail but not too long, 5) the references are highly relevant and well researched.  The review received an A+.

ABSTRACT

Anne McClintock’s Imperial Leather employs a triangulated analysis of race, gender, and class to interrogate Victorian imperial culture, both in Britain and in South Africa, through the organizing trope of the fetish. This analysis is rigorously applied to McClintock’s white, colonial subjects, and inconsistently applied to her black, colonized subjects. Most significantly lacking in the latter case is a psychoanalytic exploration of fetishism in colonized cultures. These omissions result, on one level, in the book’s inability to cohere as a consistent whole, and on another level, in the text’s implicit indigenism, which has problematic consequences for some of McClintock’s theories. Overall, however, the book is a brilliant, engaging, and insightful read that provides substantial contributions to many diverse fields of study.

 

 

 

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INTRODUCTION
The evidence for Anne McClintock’s revolutionary redefinition of fetishism inundates my email account on a daily basis. Imperial Leather, a brilliant, sprawling work, explores fetishism as a hinge linking the mutually constitutive intersections between race, class, gender, sexuality, and imperialism in 19th century
Britain and 20th century South Africa. Insightfully critiquing Freud and Lacan’s reductionist interpretation of fetishism as a male experience with its singular genesis in the threat of castration, McClintock demonstrates that fetishes have multiple genealogies and mark “a crisis in social meaning as the embodiment of an impossible irresolution” (184). Fetishes are often, but not always, erotic, and are microcosmic expressions of social contradictions and repressions: “The contradiction is displaced onto and embodied in the fetish object, which is thus destined to recur with compulsive repetition” (184).

 

Such fetishes compulsively return to my inbox, each embodying a contemporary irresolvable “crisis in social meaning” around issues of gender, race, class, and nationality. The quotes given above represent a select sample of my daily spam inundation. The dominatrix fetish drawn on by the pornographic website and its complement, the submissive wife fetish appealed to by the mail-order bride agency, reveal the crises of feminism and the gendered reorganization of the family. They further reproduce Orientalist discourse on ethnicity and race; the women and men pictured in the pornographic image are all white, whereas the advertised brides – despite the fact that they are European – are described as the opposite of “the Western women we are all so sick and tired of.”

 

The breast and penis enlargement formulas are indicative of the contemporary crisis in the way we perceive and experience our bodies (Martin 543). In our late capitalist culture, the body is becoming a fragmented, specialized entity (Martin 544), under pressure to fit an ideal form that has become the normative standard (Bordo 339). The incessant repetition of the word “natural” in both advertisements reveals the contradictory idea that “normal” can only be achieved through the use of certain products. The impossibility of perfection, coupled with the postmodern “paradigm of plasticity” (Bordo 336), which insists that perfection is equally attainable by all members of society (regardless of race, gender, or class), together create an irresolvable contradiction that manifests itself in body-part fetishism.

 

Finally, McClintock would find the fat-eliminating soap advertisement particularly interesting. She theorizes soap as one of the quintessential Victorian fetishes of racial hygiene and imperial progress, demonstrating that the mission civilatrice, the cult of domesticity, and the growing entrenchment of bourgeois culture were concentrated in the multivalent signifier of soap (208-209, 211). Washing is a form of purification ritual that can “prepare the body as a terrain of meaning, organizing flows of value across the self and the community and demarcating boundaries between one community and another” (226). Today, thinness is a marker of personal and professional success; in this advertisement, soap is re-fetishized as a means of attaining these social heights. The caption indicates a kind of Orientalist “counter-discourse,” which presents Japan as a site of esoteric knowledge and implies that the Aoqili soap may be the secret to the (perceived) slimness and success of the Japanese.

 

OVERVIEW OF THE THEMES AND THEORIES IN IMPERIAL LEATHER
Imperial Leather explores a variety of fetishistic behaviours and objects, including soap, fruit salts, colonial maps, female labourers, and the Boer covered wagons in the Tweede Trek nationalist spectacle. The diversity of reviews testify to the tremendous scope and complexity of this book, which has been critiqued from within the fields of anthropology (Nelson), history (Hall; O’Donnell; Pickering; Strange), geography (McEwan), sexuality (Jolly), feminism (Lewis), Victorian studies (Baucom), British studies (White), and African studies (Ha). Imperial Leather makes significant contributions to all of these disciplines.

 

The book is divided into three parts, framed by an Introduction and a Postscript. The Introduction gives a brief overview of McClintock’s main themes and theoretical considerations, while the Postscript theorizes the current fetish for the word “post” as a crisis in ideologies of the future. The first part, “Empire of the Home,” examines the diverse manifestations of colonial discourse in Victorian Britain. McClintock reveals that “as domestic space became racialized, colonial space became domesticated” (36). The lower classes, particularly female labourers and prostitutes, were classified as a separate race, while discussions and depictions of colonized peoples feminized them. Further, the differences between upper class Europeans and the variety of “others” they defined themselves against were effected primarily through differences in domestic organization.

 

McClintock is at her most compelling and most complex in Part 1. Her psychoanalysis of Freud and her revision of his theories provide fascinating insights. McClintock disrupts Freud’s family love triangle of father, mother, and son, revealing the repressed presence of the powerful nursemaid and, by extension, other participants in the historical, changing multiplicity of domestic economies. She also demonstrates the existence of female fetishism and revindicates the powerful connections that can exist between mother and daughter as well as father and son. McClintock applies these insights in her case study analysis of the cross-class relationship between Arthur Munby and Hannah Cullwick. McClintock traces Munby’s “babyist” fetish and obsession with the spectacle of rough female labourers “in their dirt” back to his desire for his nursemaid. Cullwick’s desire to display her physical prowess at household chores and cross-dress as different characters is traced to her need to reclaim the value, not only of her own work, but also her mother’s as well.

 

In Part 2, “Double Crossings,” McClintock explores the meanings of metropolis versus the colony for the British people and the commodities that moved between the two. In chapter 5, she examines the Victorian fetishism with domestic commodities, and soap in particular. Detailing various advertising campaigns, McClintock shows how scientific racism became translated into “commodity racism” (209). In chapters 6 and 7, she psychoanalyzes the work and lives of Henry Rider Haggard and Olive Schreiner within the historical context of changing gender relations and family composition.  

 

Part 3, “Dismantling the Master’s House,” explores the constructions of white nationalism and the diverse manifestations of black resistance to apartheid in 20th century South Africa. Chapter 8 looks at the meanings of the production and critical reception of The Long Journey of Poppie Nongena. Written collaboratively in Afrikaans by a privileged white woman (Elsa Joubert) and an anonymous black Xhosa woman, the book challenges concepts of authorship, autobiographical narrative unity, and the politics of the personal. Chapter 9 explores the artistic and overtly political forms of resistance to white domination in South Africa, primarily through the work of the 1950s Sophiatown generation of black writers and the work of the 1970s Soweto generation of black writers. Chapter 10 examines the fetishes of nationalism, focusing on the Afrikaner centenary commemoration of the 1838 “Great Trek” away from British control. Called the Tweede Trek, the celebrations created a unified Afrikaner consciousness articulated around particular constructions of race, class, and gender.

 

McClintock also provides interesting new insights here into the theorization of nationalism, exploring Benedict Anderson’s famous concept of an “imagined community.” Pointing out that for most of the history of nationalism the majority of people have been illiterate, McClintock challenges Anderson’s assertion that the printing press was the enabling force for imagining a commonality of values and interests. In McClintock’s view, imagined communities are rather established and maintained through the presentation of commodity spectacles, such as the Tweede Trek and advertising campaigns.

 

Imperial Leather is an engaging, insightful book of remarkable scope and depth. Difficult theoretical concepts are explored in accessible prose and concrete examples; delightful anecdotes from popular culture are rendered fascinatingly dense with complex meanings. McClintock demonstrates that the categories of class, gender, and race are mutually constitutive and cannot be imagined separately. She explores this triangulated discourse through the organizing trope of the fetish to great effect. Her work is organized by a hermeneutics of “situated psychoanalysis,” which she defines as “a culturally contextualized psychoanalysis that is simultaneously a psychoanalytically informed history” (72). This doubled theoretical foundation, showing the necessary interconnections among ideologies, fetishisms, economic organization, and material conditions, provides many fascinating insights into Victorian imperial culture and – to a lesser extent – 20th century black South African resistance strategies.  

 

CRITICISMS OF IMPERIAL LEATHER
Many critics of Imperial Leather mention its disjointed quality (Baucom 491; Jolly 447; McEwan 492; Nelson 385; O’Donnell 312; Pickering 991).[1] Most explain this as a by-product of the book’s genesis as a series of separately published articles, but this is only a partial explanation. The chapters are tightly cohesive up until to Part 3, when the focus shifts from the colonizers to the colonized. It is here that the tightly interwoven strands of race, class, gender, sexuality, and imperialism begin to unravel. In her exploration of the authorial hybridity of The Long Journey of Poppie Nongena (chapter 8), sexuality is ignored; in her analysis of the book’s critical reception, race is inadequately problematized. In her discussion of black South African cultural resistance (chapter 9), gender and sexuality are not introduced as critical categories at all. Chapter 10 and the Postscript once again are coherently integrated with the first two parts of the book. 

 

As Lorraine O’Donnell points out in her review of Imperial Leather, the reluctance of the African National Congress (ANC) to incorporate women’s issues is mentioned, but not explored in any detail (312). In the same chapter, McClintock neglects to introduce gender as a critical category in her overview of the work of mid-20th century black South African writers. The executive organization and publishing practices of Drum, “the first magazine for black writing in English” (332), are similarly spared a gendered analysis.

 

THE ABSENCE OF FETISHISM IN THE COLONIES
It is sexuality, however, that is the most consistently ignored in Part 3. McClintock shows a strange reluctance to psychoanalyze the texts of Lauretta Ngcobo and Oswald Mtshali in the way that she relentlessly and insightfully dissects the works of Henry Rider Haggard and Olive Schreiner (Jolly 447). Luise White notes that “[i]t follows from [McClintock’s] work that whiteness, not unlike walking sticks or spectacle-frames, was as much ridiculed as admired, that the whiteness opened up a space of revulsion and desire every bit as much as blackness did in the imperial world” (484). That this implication is never explicitly problematized is somewhat confusing and rather disappointing, given McClintock’s exhaustive critique of the meanings of race in the British metropolis.

 

This oversight is all the more glaring in the context of McClintock’s discussion of Frantz Fanon. She cites Fanon’s writing on “colonial desire” purely to construct an argument on the implicitly gendered nature of his work. She demonstrates that Fanon’s use of the word “man” is not a universalized identity that includes both genders (as Homi Bhabha asserts), but rather denotes a heterosexual male identity. Her argument is persuasive and important. However, in focusing on this aspect alone, she fails to interrogate Fanon’s fetish for whiteness in the same way that she interrogates Munby’s fetish for blackness.

 

Elements of Fanon’s discourse reveal a rich semiotic field of inquiry:

When my restless hands caress those white breasts, they grasp white civilization and dignity and make them mine (362).

Frustratingly, McClintock leaves the fetishistic implications of this statement unexplored. It is as though McClintock is reluctant to engage in a kind of “imperial intellectualism,”[2] refusing to “mine” colonized people for their innermost secrets. Indeed, an explicit part of the project of Imperial Leather is to problematize the construction of whiteness (8) and to turn racist colonial stereotypes back upon their source. McClintock is at pains to demonstrate that “far from being a quintessentially African propensity, faith in fetishism was a faith fundamental to imperial capitalism itself” (223).

 

McClintock’s focus on South African cultural resistance is presented more polemically than the rest of the book in order to valorize the literary merits of non-European traditions. Reina Lewis, noting McClintock’s “clear commitment to political change” and insistence on “bring[ing] home the ‘real life’ implications of each example” (149), may provide a clue to McClintock’s differential treatment of colonized and colonizer: perhaps, in the interests of social justice, McClintock is attempting to promote rather than critique anti-imperialist movements.  

 

This possible explanation is borne out by Ian Baucom’s critique of McClintock on a similar issue.  Baucom demonstrates that McClintock’s discussion of the implicitly universalized South African reception of The Long Journey of Poppie Nongena is in fact an audience of white, liberal intellectuals (492). For example, he cites McClintock’s claim that “in South Africa very little is known about how ordinary women like Nongena lived out the ruptures and changes in apartheid” (McClintock 313). Thus, McClintock may consciously be addressing a white audience with an agenda of education and social transformation in mind.

 

McClintock’s recognition of the uncompleted work of liberation in South Africa and other colonized countries may have instilled in her a desire to present the work of colonized writers as active critiques of imperialism rather than as subjects for critical analysis. However, McClintock’s reluctance to submit her colonized subjects to the same analytical rigour as her colonial subjects may in fact have the opposite effect of reproducing an Orientalist counter-discourse, where the natives are presented as more decent and more civilized than their racist, sexist, and class-prejudiced European counterparts.

 

Aijaz Ahmad, in another context, has criticized the reluctance to subject colonized societies to a triangulated analysis of race, class, and gender. Ahmad identifies this tendency as a variety of Orientalist counter-discourse that he calls “indigenism” (296). Indigenism restricts cultural analysis to the formative processes of imperialism alone, thus essentializing the dichotomy of colonizer and colonized and constructing certain societal groups and social practices as more “authentic” than others (296). McClintock explicitly critiques the tendency in postcolonial theory to present “the” colonizer and “the” colonized as unified, binary opposites (14-15). She recognizes, with Ahmad, the need to disrupt this dichotomy by introducing the critical categories of gender and class.

 

However, in her discussion of black South African 20th century literature, these critical categories are lost, with the unfortunate and assuredly unintentional result that certain voices become privileged as more authentic than others. According to both Baucom (492) and Diane M. Nelson (385), McClintock implies that the Sophiatown generation of poets, with their love of classical British literature and formal conservatism, are less authentic than the Soweto generation of poets, who draw on a tradition of oral culture to disrupt canonical English conventions of style and subject matter. It is important to note with Baucom, however, that this is a “hinted suggestion” rather than an explicitly constructed argument (492). The clearest expression of this problematic undertone is the concluding paragraph of chapter 9:

Forcing poetry and criticism to step outside the magic circle of immanent value, into history and politics where criteria of judgement remain perpetually to be resolved, black poets of the 1980s were no longer content to snatch impudent rides on the dangerous trains of white tradition. Instead they increasingly expressed a collective refusal to ride at all until the trains are theirs… (351).

 

This formulation recalls the model of linear progress that McClintock is at pains to deconstruct throughout Imperial Leather; here, the old guard of the Sophiatown mimic men is replaced by the more authentically indigenous Soweto poets. With the emergence of the new generation, the “pre-Soweto writers” realized that they had been “nurtured on what now seemed an artificially literary eloquence” (340).

 

COLONIAL MIMICRY AND FETISHISM
McClintock’s description of the Sophiatown writers makes abundantly clear that they are mimics, in Bhabha’s sense of the term. Mimics are the colonized elite: the intellectuals, teachers, interpreters, soldiers, and bureaucrats who find themselves caught between two different cultural systems, unable to fully assimilate to either (McClintock 62-63). The Sophiatown intellectuals, “[b]orn of black parents but schooled and salaried by the English, steeped in white culture but barred at the door, …often knowing Shakespeare but not the language of their people, in love with the township but identifying with the world of the mind” (333), able to establish friendships with white intellectuals but never fully as equals, fit Bhabha’s definition precisely.

 

Yet, although McClintock promises to explore the nuances of mimicry throughout the book (65), she does not explore the implications of this theory nor even mention the term itself in her discussion of the Sophiatown poets. This omission is particularly odd given her astute identification of the contradictions in Bhabha’s theory, which posits the ambivalence of mimicry as inherently subversive in one article, and in another, claims that it will never upset the dominant imperial power structure (McClintock 64).

 

McClintock identifies the need for a theory of the distinctions between anticolonial mimicry and colonial mimicry (64). The ambivalent position of the Sophiatown writers would have made a fascinating case study for the elaboration of these differences. While Sophiatown poetry frequently subscribed to canonical English literary standards and values, the writers saw themselves as creating a new form English, one that was intended for a black rather than a white audience (332). What elements of their work and their lives were subversive of the dominant power structure? Which were supportive?

 

McClintock’s critique of Bhabha also chastises him for neglecting gender in his theory of mimicry. Ironically, in her discussion of the Sophiatown poets, McClintock not only ignores the clear associations of mimicry, but also ignores the critical category of gender. Further, as with Fanon, McClintock fails to theorize the potentially rich links between mimicry and fetishism. The question of whether mimicry may be a form of indigenous fetishism – both similar to and different from Cullwick’s cross-dressing as a dark-skinned male slave – is a critical oversight. This is especially frustrating for the reader, since this line of analysis would have been more connected to McClintock’s main themes than the actual content of the chapter, which is a literary and social valorization of the challenge Soweto poetry posed to English literary conventions.

 

What makes this omission even more confounding is that McClintock implicitly acknowledges the question of indigenous forms of fetishism in her initial revisionist formulation of the phenomenon. When listing the structural characteristics of fetishism in chapter 3, McClintock notes that these features are “not necessarily universal” (185). This tantalizingly incomplete suggestion begs the question of what the differences might be between Victorian, white middle class fetishism and 20th century South African black intellectual fetishism.

 

Thus, in the two chapters devoted to the self-representations of a colonized group, McClintock abandons her theoretical model of historically-situated psychoanalysis, and inconsistently applies three of her main tools of analysis: race, gender, and sexuality. These absences may potentially be understood in part as an issue of formal constraints. The endeavour would be highly complex and problematic: as McClintock rightly points out, there is no unified “colonized” identity, nor is there a unified “colonizer” identity to oppose it (14-15). Nevertheless, she adroitly deals with this problem in the first part of the text by examining the microcosms of Cullwick and Munby’s relationship or the text of Haggard’s King Solomon’s Mines, in relation to her triangulated discourse on colonial fetishisms. Similar tactics could be used in the third part of the book to interrogate, for example, Ngcobo’s And They Didn’t Die or the history of black South Africans’ incorporation and revalorization of Pears soap.  

 

The absence of fetish analysis among the colonized subjects is a significant omission: the fetish “stands at the crossroads of psychoanalysis and social history” (184) and thus links together the two theoretical foundations of McClintock’s analysis. The various fetishes explored in this text also provide the concrete embodiment of McClintock’s many categories of analysis (race, gender, class, sexuality, colonialism). The fetish’s absence in chapters 8 and 9 is the main contributing factor to the reader’s impression of disconnection in Imperial Leather.

 

THE EXPORTATION OF CULTURE AND INDIGENOUS RESPONSES
In addition to her failure to provide a situated psychoanalysis of black South African cultural producers, McClintock further neglects to discuss black South African responses to European products and white South African writers. McClintock’s fascinating discussion of the reception of The Long Journey of Poppie Nongena is limited only to the white South African critical response. A campaign of “white nationalist hygiene” (303) insisted that Poppie Nongena was apolitical. It seems impossible that, of the “well over a hundred reviews, articles, letters and reports [that] debated, discussed and analyzed” (301) the 1981 book, none were written by black South Africans. The question of whether Poppie Nongena was viewed as apolitical by the black community is oddly left unasked.

 

Cheryl McEwan notes a similar oversight in McClintock’s discussion of Olive Schreiner, the 19th century British South African writer and political activist. Although McClintock thoroughly dissects the racial limits of Schreiner’s feminist theories and the negatively stereotyped African characters in her novels, “there is no mention of the reception of her work by black Africans, and the ways in which Schreiner’s attitudes may have been influenced by black political activism” (492).

 

In her discussion of commodity spectacle in chapter 5, McClintock traces the advertising history of Pears soap and other domestic products. In these ads, household items became agents of imperial progress, bringing civilization to awestruck savages. Looking at a group of Sudanese “dervishes” bowing low before the inscription “PEARS SOAP IS THE BEST,” one cannot help but wonder first, how indigenous peoples really reacted to European commodities, and second, to what extent these peoples were exposed to these advertising campaigns. Neither one of these questions is treated in any depth.

 

McClintock’s analysis of the multivalent meanings of soap and other household commodities in Victorian culture is insightful; however, she neglects to explore the new significances that these items took on in the colonized countries to which they were imported. At the end of the chapter, McClintock does provide three anecdotes reported by colonial merchants of natives who failed to be impressed by European trinkets. These are accompanied by a brief list of resistance strategies – “mimicry, appropriation, revaluation and violence” (229) – to European cultural impositions. However, this superficial analysis provides no critical exploration of the meanings and uses of these commodities, nor the processes of their incorporation into indigenous societies.

 

Luise White asks, as McClintock does not, “what happens to imperial power when the colonized use Bovril as foot powder and believe that Pears soap increases male potency?” (483). Do these reinterpretations represent a process of indigenous re-fetishization? And if so, what sorts of irresolvable contradictions were occurring in the cultures that developed these new meanings?

 

THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS

These omissions have consequences for McClintock’s theories. She asserts that the colonial powers “violently and decisively foreclosed” the meanings of the commodity fetishes they brought “by successfully imposing their economic and cultural system on others” (226). This statement is dangerously close to recalling Lacan and Freud’s denials of female fetishism; in their formulations, women could “be the objects of fetishism but never the subjects [italics McClintock’s]” (193).  Here, colonized peoples’ interpretations of European commodities are denied, as is their ability to develop their own fetishistic agencies of desire. While McClintock’s point about devastatingly unequal power relations is well taken, her assertion of the total foreclosure of meaning seems unfounded given her lack of engagement with the indigenous reception of European commodities. As White puts it, the colonizers “might be able to legislate who was white, but they could never control the meanings of whiteness or aspirations thereto: Africans used margarine as skin cream as beauty and respectability and commodity culture were inserted into African epistemologies” (483).

 

Finally, if commodity spectacle worked to foster a coherent “imagined community” among illiterate British citizens, did it work to foster a sense of exclusion among colonized peoples abroad in the empire? To what extent were indigenous peoples exposed to the racist advertisements for the products they were being given or sold? What, for example, would have been the reactions of people who saw the image of a white child washing off the black skin of another child? Would these images, perhaps disseminated on the products’ packaging, have influenced the ways in which these commodities were absorbed and interpreted?

 

Bhabha argues that interpretations of stereotyped images must engage with “the repertoire of positions of power and resistance, domination and dependence that constructs [the] colonial identification subject (both colonizer and colonized)” (67). Otherwise, the analysis risks restricting itself to a simple “ready recognition of images as positive or negative” (67). McClintock achieves a marvellously nuanced analysis of “the repertoire of positions of power” in her discussion of 19th century Britain, but neglects to explore these positions within Africa. Again, as with Ahmad, McClintock explicitly recognizes the need for this complexity of analysis. She insists that, far from being a unilateral European force projecting itself onto the colonies, “imperial power emerged from a constellation of processes, taking haphazard shape from myriad encounters with alternative forms of authority, knowledge and power” (16). Again, it is unfortunate that McClintock does not fully translate her ideas into her case-based analyses.

 

CONCLUSION

These lacunae are disappointing, not only because McClintock’s theories promise a full exploration of indigenous perspectives, but also because her insights into the perspectives of Britain’s internally oppressed peoples are so richly rewarding. McClintock’s refusal to fully problematize her colonized subjects – whether due to unintentional oversight, or the formal constraints of research, or a reluctance to be an intellectual imperialist, or a desire to promote social justice – is an unfortunate drawback to her otherwise exhaustive and excellent work. Yet despite their problems, the two analytically inconsistent chapters are still a pleasurable and fascinating read. Overall, Imperial Leather represents a colossal scholarly achievement and a major contribution to various disciplines it cross-sects.

 


REFERENCES CITED

 

Ahmad, Aijaz. “Between Orientalism and Historicism.” In Orientalism: A Reader. Ed. Alexander Lyon Macfie. New York: New York University Press, 2000. 285-297.

 

Baucom, Ian. Rev. of Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest, by Anne McClintock. Victorian Studies 40.3 (1997): 491-493.

 

Bhabha, Homi. The Location of Culture. London and New York: Routledge, 1994.

 

Bordo, Susan. “‘Material Girl’: The Effacements of Postmodern Culture.” In The Gender and Sexuality Reader. Eds. Roger N. Lancaster and Micaela di Leonardo. New York: Routledge, 1997. 335-358.

 

Ha, Marie-Paule. Rev. of Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest, by Anne McClintock. Research in African Literature 28.2 (1997): 187-190.

 

Hall, Catherine. Rev. of Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest, by Anne McClintock. Social History 21.3 (1996): 376-380.

 

Jolly, Margaret. Rev. of Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest, by Anne McClintock. Journal of the History of Sexuality 7.3 (1997): 444-448.

 

Lewis, Reina. Rev. of Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest, by Anne McClintock. Feminist Review 55 (1997): 148-149.

 

Martin, Emily. “The End of the Body?” In The Gender and Sexuality Reader. Eds. Roger N. Lancaster and Micaela di Leonardo. New York: Routledge, 1997. 543-558.

 

McClintock, Anne. Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest. New York and London: Routledge, 1995.

 

McEwan, Cheryl. “Gender, culture and imperialism.” Rev. of Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest, by Anne McClintock. Journal of Historical Geography 22.4 (1996): 489-494.

 

Nelson, Diane M. “‘The Horror’: The Subject of Desire in Postcolonial Studies.” Rev. of Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest, by Anne McClintock. American Anthropologist 99.2 (1997): 383-386.

 

O’Donnell, Lorraine. Rev. of Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest, by Anne McClintock. Labour/Le Travail 40 (1997): 310-312.

 

Pickering, Michael. Rev. of Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest, by Anne McClintock. Journal of Social History 30.4 (1997): 991-993.

 

Puri, Shalini. Rev. of Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest, by Anne McClintock. Signs 23.2 (1998): 532.

 

Strange, Carolyn. Rev. of Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest, by Anne McClintock. Canadian Historical Review 78.1 (1997): 175-177.

 

White, Luise. “Sex, Soap, and Colonial Studies.” Rev. of Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest, by Anne McClintock. Journal of British Studies 38.4 (1999): 478-486.

 



[1] In contrast, Shalini Puri praises Imperial Leather as “impressive in its consistent theorization of gender in relation to other axes of power” (532). However, Puri does not elaborate on this statement or provide any corroborating evidence for this view.

[2] O’Donnell employs this term somewhat facetiously to describe McClintock’s mining of different disciplines (e.g., feminism, psychology, materialist history, literary criticism, etc.) and extrapolation of “what she feels is their most precious treasures” (310). O’Donnell later recants this claim by noting that McClintock’s nuanced approach “prevents the book itself from participating in empire-building” (312). I in turn am mining the rich concept of imperial intellectualism for what I feel is relevant here, and excluding O’Donnell’s glib application of the term.