Jennifer Chan

A recent article in the alternative media magazine Utne Reader described the process in which a neighbourhood can earn and lose the title 'hip':

Artists generally lead the charge, always on the search for space that can be rented cheap.... Then come the coffee shops, which draw writers and musicians, and the galleries.... An old tavern in the area begins booking alternative rock bands and offering microbrews on tap. Restaurants pop up, first exotic ethnic eateries taking over abandoned storefronts and then swankier ones that spend more on interior design than food. At this point, many of the old-time residents are gone due to rising rents. Graphic design firms and architects set up shop, and word gets out that the area's not so hip anymore. But the people keep coming. Starbucks opens. Ten- dollar cigars are on sale at the corner grocery.... The Gap opens.... By now all of the artists have relocated to a nearby industrial zone or working- class neighbourhood... And the game starts all over again.... (Walljasper and Kraker, 1997, p.57).

Toronto's Queen Street West presently lies at the crossroads of this process. While traditionally seen as a hangout for punks and goths, when walking along the stretch from University to Spadina Avenue, it is easy to detect a corporate infiltration. The swanky restaurants are present, as are law firms, Starbucks, the Gap and Club Monaco. Ads proclaim that now, "Queen Street West is not only... purple hair [and] pierced noses" while local magazines write mock obituaries for the street, mourning its death as a subcultural centre by corporate takeover (What's On Queen, 1998, p.48; O'Hagan, 1996, p.242). Yet upon close inspection, Queen Street seems to defy classification either as bohemian hangout or corporate franchise mall. Elements of both dominant and subcultures exist side by side, in tension with each other as they attempt to coexist on the street. What I propose to investigate in this essay is the relationship between these two groups on Queen Street West. While I will be primarily using the rave subculture for examples, this is because it is currently the most dominant, but not sole, subculture on Queen Street. Groups such as comic enthusiasts, musicians, artists, and goths share the street with ravers. But while these subcultures claim the area, it is also their battlefield with the dominant ideology, which attempts to incorporate and destroy their oppositional power. In this research paper, I want to show how the dominant class attempts to impose hegemony, how the subordinate resists, and the result of the struggle.

Over the span of several weeks, I visited Queen Street at different times of day and on different days of the week, trying to find who visited what stores, when, and why. While there, I conducted my research by looking through shops, talking to storekeepers, and observing the people both on the street and in the stores. Through my observations, I divided the stores into several categories. The first is the stores specific to one particular subculture, which sell items aimed specifically at the market of this group. This includes what I will refer to as 'rave stores,' where the products of the rave subculture are available. They sell rave-style clothing and its accoutrements, such as sunglasses, shoes and wallet chains, rave tickets, skateboards, skateboarding accessories, and stickers. There are several rave stores in the area; I observed Noise (275 Queen Street West), Lounge (intersection of Queen and John Street), and Numb (Queen and John) amongst others. Also in the rave subculture, there are a few DJ stores where techno records, mix tapes, and clothing are on sale; these include Speed (423 Queen West) and next door, The Pit (at the same address). Other subcultures are also present in the Queen Street stores: Black Market (323a Queen West), Demob (162 John, at Queen), and World (321 Queen West) sell vintage clothing; New Tribe, located on the second floor at 232 Queen West, specializes in tattoos and body piercings; The Friendly Stranger (226 Queen West), which calls itself a 'cannabis culture shop', sells bongs, cigarette paper, hemp clothing, and cannabis magazines. The comic book, science fiction and fantasy subcultures are represented by three stores: The Third Dimension, located in the same second-storey complex as The Friendly Stranger, sells comic books, collector cards and figurines. It is joined by Silver Snail at 367 Queen West, and Bakka, which moved from its location at 282 Queen West to Yonge Street (at Wellesley), while I was researching this project.

These stores are often central parts of their respective subcultures, serving as a place to gather, meet fellow enthusiasts, buy products that are needed for participation in the subculture, and learn about subcultural news and happenings. As Andria, a 16-year-old raver told me, these stores are vital components for participation in the rave scene. She visit s the stores to buy clothing, accessories, and tickets to raves, as well as pick up the flyers advertising future raves. Because she is friends with the employees at several stores, she is able to get discounts on items, building an even closer relationship to these stores. While able to hear of raves through word of mouth, she will still have to visit a rave store to learn the details about the event, such as which DJs will be spinning, where tickets are available, and the telephone information line which, on the day of the rave, will reveal the location and directions to the party. Without the existence of rave stores, it would be much more difficult to participate in the scene. Indeed, without Queen Street, the rave scene might not exist, as it contains the stores, and serves, as Andria told me, as "the meeting point for all ravers."

These rave stores, and subcultural stores in general, market to a very narrow audience. They do not, nor do they want to cater to a mainstream crowd. Because they have a reliable, subcultural audience, they need not, for example, sell bicycle horns alongside their skateboard gear, nor Celine Dion albums beside jungle records in order to attract sales from individuals outside of the subculture. The stores are a part of a geographically dispersed subcultural community, linked by their own forms of media. For example, there are three rave-related monthlies circulating on Queen Street, Vice, Klublife and Tribe, all of which I obtained in rave shops. Because of their focus audience, the rave community, is not concentrated in one city, each publication services a large geographic area. Klublife discusses southern Ontario and Montreal, Tribe all of Canada, and Vice all of Canada, as well as New York, Chicago, San Francisco and Los Angeles. These newspapers serve to inform the rave community about their specific interests, reviewing house, drum & bass, and jungle records, listing parties and radio shows, and featuring articles and ads of interest to rave participants. While subcultural stores do not tend to advertise in mainstream publications, their ads can be found throughout these newspapers, alongside stores in distant cities. Thus faraway members of the subculture are aware of the scene and shops in Toronto, and ravers are ready to travel significant distances in order to reach Queen Street and its concentration of rave shops. Indeed, some customers commute great distances to shop at subcultural stores. One storeowner told me that on the weekends, kids came from as far away as Burlington to shop. Graffiti in the staircase leading to his store refers to the local neighbourhoods of the customers, and attest to the difference that many travel in order to be on Queen Street. "Respects to Aurora", one reads, a poem tells that "I come from the ghetto / I come from Vaughan" and another reads "Oshawa Punx". These stores have a loyal group of customers who travel, some for a long distance, in order to specifically visit Queen Street for its subcultural shops, to gather with other members of their subcultural community who also 'chill' on Queen West.

Because of their steady consumer base, these stores do not need to actively seek a mainstream audience in order to be successful. Thus many can locate in areas with cheaper rent but still close to Queen Street. In fact, most of the subcultural stores that I observed were not directly at street level. The Friendly Stranger, Third Dimension, New Tribe, Demob, Black Market and Numb were all located above other stores, on the second floor of their buildings. The two DJ shops, The Pit and Speed, were only accessible by a staircase from the street. Lounge, Demob, and several others were located a short distance from Queen Street, on John. Found on side streets, second floors and basements, these stores still succeed because their subcultural audience seeks them out, and therefore they are not dependent on the crowd that walks by.

In contrast, my next classification of stores depends mostly on clientele from many different subcultures. I called them 'trendy stores,' because they sell trendy items, often from expensive labels in a wide range of styles to appeal to their varied audience. I included within this category chains of shops such as Club Monaco (403 Queen West), Le Chateau (known as Chateauworks at its operation at 336 Queen West), and the shoe stores Pegabo (349 Queen West) and Twinkle Toes (two locations at 311 and 320 Queen West). I also included shops that were independent and privately owned by the same individuals who operated the stores, selling major label such as Dolce & Gabbana, Calvin Klein, as well as the subcultural labels Stussy and Mossimo. These shops, as well as the large chains, often have elaborate window displays which are crucial to attracting their audience. These displays are usually alarmed to discourage not only theft but also shoppers from disturbing the careful arrangements. Clothing from many different styles are prominently displayed in order to attract as many people as possible into the store. In the windows of Pegabo, elegant high heels are arranged alongside brightly coloured platform mules, in order to appeal to audiences seeking evening footwear as well as those seeking clubwear. Stores such as Chateauworks and Club Monaco, instead of large window displays, have opted for glass doors and huge picture-windows which encompass the entire storefront. This allows pedestrians to see the contents of the entire store, another tactic to entice window shoppers to enter. Chateauworks is thus able to show that unlike regular Le Chateau locations, they sell candles, picture frames, beads, art books, as well as the usual clothing and accessories. Club Monaco uses their windows to show their large cosmetic counter, alongside the Club Monaco and CMX (Club Monaco Sport) lines. Thus, these stores use their large windows to show the variety found inside, actively seeking their clientele from the people walking along the street. Independently owned stores such as Le Shoe at 202 Queen West overcome the obscurity of their store name by downplaying it and focussing instead on the brand names they sell. Its large glass windows are filled with shoes, and the glass itself is pasted with brand names appealing to specific audiences and subcultures, such as Doc Marten, Birkenstock, Vans and Airwalk, which target the vastly different extremes of goths, skateboarders and hippies. Inside, these brands of shoes are found, along with go-go boots and vividly coloured high heels. With such a wide variety of shoe styles, Le Shoe is trying to get the attention of many different groups and subcultures found on Queen Street, and uses the shoes themselves in the window, and signs of brand names, to draw pedestrians inside. Because it lacks a crowd that feels as though it exclusively belongs in their store, Le Shoe targets many different audiences to gain clientele. Unlike the subcultural stores that are frequented by a regular audience specifically travelling to Queen Street to shop in their store, these trendy shops must use visual display to gain customers.

These trendy shops often attempt to emulate the subcultural stores and their style of product in order to capitalize on the subcultural audience that passes by on their way to other stores. Subcultural brands like Stussy, founded by a surfing legend and characterized by its graffiti-style logo are sold without being involved in the scene. Stores like Chateauworks and Pegabo follow the subcultural stores by placing rave flyers by the entrance or cash register, using the styles and practices of subcultures in order to appeal to subcultural audiences. However, these stores differ from the subcultural shops in that they are not based within that subculture, nor do they specialize in that group, rather they copy the subcultural style of many groups in order to gain more customers. A raver would not be able to go to Chateauworks to meet with fellow ravers and talk about upcoming events, they could only perhaps buy some clothing suitable for raves.

These two groups of shops, the subcultural and the trendy stores, will be the primary focus of this essay. While there are many other categories of stores, I do not believe that they are heavily involved with the inherent conflict between subordinate and dominant, which is found between the two focus groups of stores. However, several stores can be used to show the influential presence of subcultures and the ways in which everyday stores adjust their tactics according to subcultural presence. For example, the Chumcity stations, a family of television stations located at 299 Queen West aim at specific, often subcultural audiences through their programming. City-tv shows many programs which have a focus upon Toronto. These include its news programs and Speaker's Corner, a program comprised of video messages recorded by visitors to the station's video booth at the corner of Queen and John Streets. Other programs target those interested in fashion (Fashiontelevision and Ooh La La), media and advertising (Mediatelevision), and music (Chum FM Top 30, The New Music, Electric Circus). While many mainstream films are aired, City-tv also attempts to gain a subcultural audience, showing several science fiction shows (Babylon 5, Star Trek: Deep Space Nine, and Star Trek: Voyageur), alongside mainstream shows like Seinfeld. The other television stations in the Chumcity family target young music fans (Muchmusic), science fiction and fantasy fans (Space: The Imagination Station), and highbrow arts enthusiasts (Bravo!). However, these stations are available to anyone with a television, and it is unnecessary for viewers to know of Queen Street. What is significant to my study is that these stations, headquartered on Queen Street, target very specific audiences through their programming, instead of only showing popular, mainstream shows. While City-tv shows two of the most popular American programs, Seinfeld and Friends, Chumcity includes the few television stations that aim directly at subcultural tastes for their audience.

Similarly, the two bookstores that I observed had extensive collections in very specific disciplines. Pages, at 256 Queen West, has large sections not only on the traditional subjects found in most bookstores, but also features collections on the occult, native Canadian studies, eastern philosophy, art and literary criticism, lesbian and gay studies, and a large section on cultural studies. Pages' huge selection of magazines includes not only the major news and entertainment magazines, but also art, media, and European magazines, academic journals, and subcultural titles such as Anarchy, Cannabis Canada, and Big Brother, a skateboarding magazine. The Village Bookstore at 239 Queen West sells used books, with prominent sections on Canadian poetry, music and architecture. The influence of the subcultures and their interests is evident. Both stores carry books and magazines that would not be of interest to mainstream society, but are read by the artists, students, and musicians which gather on Queen Street. According to their employees, by including products of special interest to specific groups, these stores have loyal followings, and especially for Pages, customers tend to only shop at these stores.

Another group of stores which attest to the influence of subculture is the convenience stores. This classification of stores has its standard fare; one can always expect to find candy, cigarettes, food, and lottery tickets in a convenience store. However, in the three convenience stores that I examined on Queen West, unusual items were sold. Two of the three carried cigars, one store a rather extensive selection, and two of the three stores had ready-made sushi for sale. Both of these items, while not specific to the focus subcultures in this essay, are catering to tastes specific to Queen Street. While cigars recently gained some mainstream popularity, they have traditionally been popular with business crowds; thus perhaps stocking convenience stores could be in order to capitalize on the lunchtime and afternoon crowds of office workers based on University Avenue and lawyers in Osgoode Hall. Japanese food is also very popular on Queen West, as seen through the abundance of sushi restaurants (Sushi Time, Sushi Place and Sushi Bistro). The customers in these restaurants is varied, primarily young people, students and shoppers under thirty, but also a fair number of businessmen and women. So despite the fact that sushi is not exclusive to one subculture, it is popular on Queen Street, and is therefore sold in the convenience stores.

These examples of selling sushi and cigars in convenience stores, cannabis magazines in bookstores and rave flyers in clothing chains beg the question of why these practices are done. Why are these stores departing from conventions and catering to local and subcultural interests? In order to answer this, I will examine theories regarding subcultures, incorporation, and resistance. First, to gain an understanding of the nature of popular culture and subcultures, I will examine John Fiske's description of popular culture and apply it to Queen Street subcultures. He defines popular culture as created by subordinated groups out of resources made available to them by dominant groups. Because they are not in powerful positions, the subordinate cannot produce their own culture, rather they must make their culture out of the resources produced by the dominant (1987, p.2-4). "Popular culture is always a culture of conflict, it always involves the struggle to make social meanings that are in the interests of the subordinate and that are not preferred by the dominant ideology" (1987, p.2). Using the resources provided by the dominant classes, the subordinate attempts to create a culture that opposes them. I found on Queen Street that the subcultures used available resources to create resistance to the hegemony of the dominant ideology. Rave flyers provided examples where resources of the dominant were used for subcultural purposes. A flyer advertising a rave called Eden adopted the image used on the cover of a Time magazine special issue on advances in science antd technology, which pictured a baby swimming above the globe. Appropriating an image representing the dominant ideology's vision of science, the rave subculture displays an outlook that sees themselves as 'piraters' of technology produced for the dominant ideology. This view has an element of truth, as technology has been used by DJs to create electronic, computer-generated sounds and sample the works of others. Another flyer demonstrates the view of ravers partying in areas abandoned by the industry of the dominant:

it had been a week now, the city was cold and a grey air of pessimism hung constantly over the metropolis. the machines that were the very source of nature on the planet due to their transmitting of the steady soundwaves through the underground speaker systems, had consumed their latest program but somehow, against all probability, failed to signal the requirement of the next one. the aural stimulation that breathed life into the planet, played as vital a part in the sustainment of the city as the oxygen pumped daily into the vast domes which covered each urban rise. it permeated the atmosphere, it was the atmosphere and a non-celluloid soundtrack to which everyone was cast a role... who would have ever have dreamed that these sounds would become part of their very existence? it was something other races could never comprehend.

(flyer for emojonal, 28 March 1998)

Ravers party in abandoned warehouses, using technology 'stolen' from its purpose for advancing science and used, instead, to dance to. A clothing company in the skateboarder subculture bases itself upon opposing the dominant ideology. Calling itself Counter Culture, this company appropriates representations from the dominant strata of society and subverts them. Using the logo of Coca-Cola for a sticker bearing the company name, Counter Culture shows their opposition to the hegemony of the dominant ideology represented by Coke. They utilize the same font and style of writing as the classic 'Coca Cola' sign to make one for their own name, and underneath, parody the Coke slogan by calling the sticker, and themselves, "the unreal thing". By 'poaching' the images provided by the dominant ideology, in this case the Coca-Cola logo, skateboarders can create a subculture which opposes the hegemony of the dominant classes. Fiske describes this process as "semiotic resistance [that] results from the desire of the subordinate to exert control over the meanings of their lives, a condition that is typically denied them in their material social conditions" (1970, p.10). Within the rave community, young people are given the ability to dictate a set of social norms, values and ways of life, privileges which they are denied in everyday life. For example, while they draw upon the norms of mainstream life, the styles of dress at raves is determined within the subculture, not controlled by large companies representing the dominant ideology. Fiske describes these practices as "the tactics of the subordinate in making do within and against the system, rather than opposing it directly; they are concerned with improving the lot of the subordinate rather than changing the system that subordinates them" (1987, p.11). While creating a rave community does not lead to social change, it can give ravers a sense of belonging and empowerment within their group, providing a psychological improvement in their lives which may or may not lead to "the confidence needed for social action" (Fiske, 1987, p.10).

However, the result of the creation of oppositional subcultures is the concurrent creation of forces to minimize and eliminate their oppositional power. By using their hegemonic control, the dominant ideology seeks to take away the gains of subcultures. According to Clarke, Hall, Jefferson and Roberts, "subordination is secured only because the dominant order succeeds in weakening, destroying, displacing or incorporating alternative institutions of defence and resistance thrown up by the subordinate class" (Clarke et al., 1975, p.102). In other words, by incorporating the oppositional voice sued by subcultures as a form of resistance, the dominant order is able to control the subordinate and eliminate their opposition to hegemony. Hebdige (1979) describes incorporation as involving two processes. The first is the incorporation of its commodities. He states that as soon as a subculture translates its practices and views into commodities, they are 'frozen', simultaneously made "public property and profitable merchandise" (p.132). The subculture is not like 'fair game' to the dominant ideology, as its commodities are easily adopted and marketed without their oppositional voice, for the purposes of extending hegemony. To complete the process of incorporation, the dominant classes relate the subculture to the general public, trivializing their Otherness and situating them in a direct relationship to the public ('this punk could be your daughter'). By associating subcultures with society as a whole, the dominant denies the subculture's need to separate from the mainstream, which is usually one of the primary reasons for the formation of subcultures. Hebdige uses the example of young Rastas in 1970s Britain who felt alienated from mainstream society, which tended to be racist and deny them opportunities for social mobility. They therefore developed a Rastafarian subculture, dressing in 'African' colours and listening to reggae music to mark their alienation. However, when reggae music began to be popular and played in mainstream white society by white musicians, this subculture had been incorporated. They could no longer signal their alienation by wearing dreadlocks and listening to reggae, because these things no longer signified an Otherness. Once in the process of being incorporated, Hebdige says that "[y]outh cultural sytles may begin by issuing symbolic challenges, but they must inevitably end by establishing new sets of conventions; by creating new commodities, new industries or rejuvenating old ones" (p.132). Once incorporated, Rasta subculture died down, and Black communities turned to a new subculture, Ragga, throughout the 1980s (Chude-Sokei, 1994, p.80-84). Is it inevitable that rave and all other subcultures will be incorporated? I will examine the incorporation of graffiti, and the process of incorporating raves on Queen Street in order to answer this question.

In the March 1998 issue of Vice, one of the subcultural magazines I picked up on Queen Street, a feature describes the purpose of graffiti. "Bombing is all about a quick and accurate execution. It's not about beauty or colour. It's about causing maximum danger in the most dangerous places possible" (p.47). Graffiti is found throughout Queen Street, in the form of spray painted murals, writing on walls, and stickers, which tend to advertise for subcultural products or events. Breitbart describes an effect of graffiti as giving disadvantaged youth the ability to cover their living spaces with meaning, in the same way that the dominant can decorate their homes and influence the layout and appearance of the city (1997, p.306). Graffiti murals developed as the practice grew more popular, and while the projects were larger, the nickname of the graffitist was still central (Powers, 1997, p.138). Several businesses on Queen Street have adopted the popularity of murals to advertise. Contests are held each year on Queen Street, with the winner given the opportunity to paint a mural along the wall of a building at the intersection of Queen and Soho. However, the store to which that wall belongs, an all-natural cosmetics shop called Lush, decided to capitalize on the publicity and attention gained by the mural and painted their store name and logo directly on top of the mural. It is difficult to discern what the logo covers, however the message given by the graffitist is severed by the actions of the cosmetics store. In this example, graffiti is commodified, made into a marketable image for the store, and the message of the mural itself is ignored. Lush has adopted the oppositional mystique that graffiti murals have, but at the cost of trivializing the mural and ignoring its message.

In another case, a Queen Street company called Murad began by hiring graffiti artists to create murals advertising for certain stores. One example of this can be seen on the side of the Pizza Pizza store at Queen West and Beverly. Here, instead of using the artist's name as the central focus, the name of the store is painted in giant letters across the wall. Murad has thus altered the nature of graffiti murals, separating it from the competitive nature of tagging and its subculture. Murad now does not use graffiti styles for its advertisements; instead exact replicas of magazines and newspaper ads are painted onto walls. The incorporation of graffiti is now complete; wall murals are an everyday occurrence, done not only by Murad but also other advertising firms such as Mediacom. Hebdige's two components of incorporation have made advertising through graffiti murals a relatively common occurrence, and it is seen as everyday, belonging to the mainstream and not to subcultures.

Another common thing seen on Queen West are the rave flyers found at the entrances to subcultural stores. They serve many functions beyond simply advertising and giving information about raves. Because it is the primary way in which raves advertise for themselves, any store that makes flyers available is seen as 'up to date' and connected with the rave scene. With these small cards, stores can show that they are aware of the latest subcultural happenings. The flyers give an exclusivity to its bearers, serving as a kind of invitation to a privileged event, and can later serve as a memory of the rave. Andria, my raver interviewee, has plastered her bedroom walls with these flyers as both a form of decoration and as a way of remembering a good party. However, recently the dominant class has attempted to use this method of advertising in order to give a certain image to their products. CBC, advertising for their program Straight Up, placed promotional materials along with rave flyers at certain stores. While this was an innocent action attempting to give the show an oppositional, subcultural image, it can also be seen as a step towards incorporation, as the dominant attempt to use subcultural practices to their own ends. Furthermore, as rave flyers are available in trendy stores, raves have begun to be infiltrated by people not involved in the subculture. Andria complains of "ginos and ginas" going to raves to party, but they are ignorant of appropriate attitudes of love and respect. Also, she notes the presence of "gangsters and hoodlums" who have grabbed her and are belligerent. These people, she says, are "there for the wrong reasons." Like the stores and television programs which attempt to appropriate the images of graffiti and raves, these people are now attending raves, but without knowledge or participation in the rave subculture. In a letter to the editor at Klublife, a raver complains of "a half-assed evening of Energy 108's top 10 picks, empty spinning, and a scene filled with Spice girls and poster children for Adidas." She declares that the solution to this quandary is to "REVIVE the scene, INITIATE a positive vibe and BRING BACK the nights when I lay in bed at 9 a.m., still dancing" (March 1998, p.10). But is this possible? Once the process of incorporation has begun, does it lose all oppositional power? We must conclude from the history of other subcultures and the dominant ideology's constant exertion of identity that incorporation will always occur. The rave subculture is in the process of being incorporated, however it is obviously not the end for all opposition to hegemony. Fiske states that "there is always an element of popular culture that lies outside social control," and thus it is inevitable that another group will rise to take the place of rave subculture. I believe that to know the future subcultures, we must continue to observe Queen Street. While it is the place in which dominant classes begin to incorporate subcultures, it is also the place where subcultures gather and flourish. While dispersed throughout the city, they have a home in this area, a place to gather, to meet, and to shop. "Later Amen! See ya at the rave in the sky", graffiti reads to people travelling upstairs to shop, telling of the strong connection that ravers feel to others in their community, be they friends or just fellow ravers. Despite the fact that each subculture shares the street with many other groups, Queen Street belongs to subcultures, fulfilling their needs for an area of space within the city.

Andria C., personal interview, 1 April 1998.

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Hebdige, D. (1979/1997). Subculture: The Meaning of Style. In K. Gelder and S. Thornton (Eds), The Subcultures Reader. London: Routledge. (Reprinted from Subculture: The Meaning of Style, London: Methuen, 1979).

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