KLYTAIMNESTRA'S DREAM: PROPHECY IN SOPHOCLES' ELEKTRA

Laurel Bowman

The use of prophecy in Sophocles' Elektra emphasizes the play's primarily political theme, the transfer of power from father to son. The lack of direct reference to Klytaimnestra in Apollo's oracle, and Klytaimnestra's absence from her own prophetic dream, are mirrored in her exclusion and Elektra's from the political activity of the play, an dgive prominence to the actions of the males, Orestes and Aegisthus.

Laurel Bowman
Department of Classics
University of Victoria
Victoria, B.C.
V8W 3P4

THE REIN OF THE PHALLUS: DIONYSUS AND CULTIC EQUITATION

Eric Csapo

Iconographic, cultic, and literary evidence reveals the existence of a rite of phallus-pole riding practiced by several Dionysiac mysteries in Central Greece and the Peloponnese. Greek writers, with some reason, derived the rite from Egypt. The rite is explained as an expression of Dionysiac "interstructure".

Eric Csapo
Department of Classics
University of Toronto
Toronto, Ontario
Canada

"WHO SHALL READILY OBEY?": AUTHORITY AND POLITICS IN THE ILIAD

Dean C. Hammer

This article argues that the Iliad is not simply a reflection of, but a reflection on, the nature of political authority. In particular, we see a shift in the type of political question asked, from the "power of authority" to carry out decisions suggestive of a Dark Age politics to the legitimacy of authority in making these decisions, a question critical to the formation of an increasingly interdependent polis form of political organization. The Iliad does not just convey uncritically the Dark Age assumption that the virtues of individual prowess outweigh the claims of the larger community, nor does the epic stop at pointing to the conflicting claims of the warrior and community. Instead, I suggest that Homer moves toward a new comprehension of authority, one that we see addressed in the funeral games. These games appear as a constructed polis in which we see the emergence of a new definition of political excellence.

Dean Hammer
Dept. of Government
Franklin and Marshall College
PO Box 3003
Lancaster, PA 17604-3003
U.S.A.

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GREEKNESS AND UNIQUENESS:

THE CULT OF THE ROMAN SENATE IN THE GREEK EAST

Andrew Erskine

Ruler cult has been given both a political explanation (i.e. flattery and diplomacy) and a religious one (an attempt to find a way of representing enormous power). Both these explanations recognise that the object of cult will be powerful. Roman power generated many different cults in the east, for instance of the goddess Roma, of the Romans as benefactors and of the Roman demos. But there is one noticeable absence. Although there was a cult of the Senate in the imperial period, there is no evidence at all for it during Republic. Thus when the power of the Senate is at its height it generates no cult honours but, paradoxically, once it has little significant power it does become the object of cult. Why?

An examination of cults of Roman power suggests that they focus on those aspects of Rome that are recognisably Greek and familiar e.g. the demos. The Greeks select these aspects in order to make Rome intelligible to themselves. Yet Rome's power renders these aspects abnormal so they get elevated to cult status. The senate on the other hand is unique; there is no parallel to it in the Greek world. This gives the Senate immunity to cult.

As the Senate becomes more familiar to the Greeks and the Greek boule more like a senate, so that immunity wears off. Although the Senate may not be as powerful, it can still have the aura of power through association. Furthermore in the imperial period the emperors are attempting to promote the prestige of the Senate.

Andrew Erskine
Department of Classics
University College Dublin
Ireland

IUDAE BENEMERENTI

Serena Zabin

This study of Jewish funerary inscriptions from the western Empire demonstrates that Jewish cultural practices and ideals about gender differed in part from those of their pagan and Christian neighbors. A study of the epitaphs that give age-at-death as well as those that indicate the dedicator of the stone offers intriguing possibilities about the centrality of Jewish women's place in their community. Mishnaic beliefs might provide part of the explanation for the unique content of these stones, but the inscriptions in turn give a window onto a world of experience occasionally at odds with that world constructed by the Mishnah.

Serena Zabin
Department of Classics
The University of North Carolina
Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3145
U.S.A.

The Function of Human Beings and the Rationality of the Universe: Aristotle and Zeno on Parts and Wholes

T. M. Tuozzo

Aristotle's much-misunderstood argument that human beings have a function, and Zeno of Citium's arguments that the universe is rational, rely on inferences from part to whole, inferences which are licensed by different conceptions of biological unity. These different conceptions produce different conclusions: for Aristotle, that the whole has a function different from the parts; for Zeno, that the parts' functions are the functions of the whole. The Stoic version of the inference from part to whole has influenced the misinterpretation of Aristotle's argument, as can be seen in the interpretation of the eleventh-century commentator, Eustratius of Nicaea.

T. M. Tuozzo
Philosophy
University of Kansas
Lawrence, KS 66045-2145
U.S.A.

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THE KILLING OF APSYRTUS IN APOLLONIUS RHODIUS' ARGONAUTICA

Calvin S. Byre

Examination of Apollonius' narrative rhetoric in the enigmatic Apsyrtus episode shows how he explores and develops the themes of love and powerlessness and invites us to share a profoundly pessimistic, and cynical, view of human life.

L'examen de la rhétorique narrative employée par Apollonios de Rhodes dans l'énigmatique épisode d'Apsyrtos démontre comment le poète explore et développe les thèmes de l'amour et de l'incapacité à agir. Il nous invite à adopter une conception profondément pessimistique et cynique de la vie humaine.

Norman, Oklahoma

THE UNPERSUASIVE THEBANS (THUCYDIDES 3.61--67)

Paula Arnold Debnar

This article argues that Thucydides (3.61-67) characterizes the Thebans through the rhetorical ineptitude of their speech in the Plataean debate. The speakers' insensitivity to their Spartan audience's distrust of rhetoric, their inadvertent reduction of the Spartans' reputation along with their own, and their clumsy use of paraphrase (confirming rather than refuting their opponents' arguments) all create a picture consistent both with the contempt the Athenians felt toward the Thebans in the fifth century and with the general reputation the Thebans had in antiquity for being incompetent speakers.

Cet article maintient que Thucydides (3.61-67) charactérise les thébains par l'ineptitude rhétorique de leur oration dans le débat à Platée. L'insensitivité des orateurs thébains à la suspicion des auditeurs lacédémoniens contre la rhétorique, leur dépréciation involontaire de la réputation des lacédémoniens en même temps que la leure, et leur emploi maladroit du paraphrase (en confirmant plutôt que réfutant l'argument de leurs adversaires) -- tout ca produit une impression qui accorde et avec le mépris des athéniens du cinquième siècle av. J.-C. contre les thébains et avec la réputation générale des thébains anciens d'être des orateurs incompétents.

Paula Arnold Debnar
Department of Classics
Mount Holyoke College
South Hadley, Mass. 01075-1641
U.S.A.

THE SEARCH FOR AN ALTER ORBIS IN OVID'S REMEDIA AMORIS

Mary H. T. Davisson

Close reading of the mythological exempla in Ovid's Remedia Amoris suggests that escape from love can be extremely difficult and sometimes not desirable. Non-mythological evidence also supports this hypothesis.

Mary H. T. Davisson
Department of Classics
Maryland Hall 506
Loyola College
Baltimore, MD 21210
U.S.A.

DOCUMENTS OF A CRUMBLING MARRIAGE: THE CASE OF CICERO AND TERENTIA

Jo-Marie Claassen

Why did Cicero divorce his wife after more than thirty years? Is Plutarch right when he implies that she was dishonest and ill-treated her daughter? What was the nature of Roman marriage and family life? Was the Cicero family life ever "happy", judged by modern standards? Can the resources of modern sociology apply, and will such application lead to an alternative interpretation of the known facts?

Jo-Marie Claassen
Department of Latin
University of Stellenbosch
7600 Stellenbosch
South Africa

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Thersite et Penthesilée dans la Suite d'Homére de Quintus de Smyrne

Paul Schubert

English abstract:

The first book of Quintus Smyrnaeus' Posthomerica relates the fight between Achilles and Penthesilea, which ends up with the slaying of Penthesilea; it also tells of Theristes' death at the hands of Achilles. This article shows that there is a striking parallel between the two figures, with Thersites depicted as a contrasting reflection of Penthesilea.

French abstract:

Le premier livre des Posthomerica de Quintus de Smyrne raconte le combat opposant Achille et Penthesilée, combat qui se termine par la mort de Penthesilée; Thersite trouve aussi la mort sous la main d'Achille. Cet article met en evidence le parallèle frappant entre les deux personnages: Thersite est présenté comme un reflêt contraste de Penthesilée.

Paul Schubert
Faculté des lettres
Séminaire des Sciences de l'Antiquité Classique
Espace Louis-Agassiz 1 Case Postale 499
CH-2001 Neuchâtel
Switzerland

GUZZLING POISON AND DRAINING THE SEA: A CONJECTURE ON PROPERTIUS 2.24B.27

M. HENDRY

In Propertius 2.24b.27, reading libet taetra venena et naufragus ebibat undas (for taetra venena libens, etc.) produces a more perspicuous and better-balanced construction, without the awkward repetition of libitum (25).

Dans Properce 2.24b.27, le lecture libet taetra venena et naufragus ebibat undas (pour taetra venena libens, etc.) donne une construction plus claire et harmonieuse en évitant la répétition gênante de libitum (25).

Michael Hendry
1200 N. Rolfe, Apt. 1
Arlington, VA 22209
U.S.A.

PLATONIC EPONYMY AND THE LITERARY TRADITION

Susan B. Levin

Although commentators have analyzed the role of eponymy in Plato's thought, they have not done full justice to its historical sources. Literary uses of eponymy offer a heretofore unexplored precedent for Plato's treatment. This article discusses literary practice and Plato's revised construction of eponymy in the Phaedo.

Susan B. Levin
Department of Philosophy
Smith College
Northampton, Massachusetts 01063
U.S.A.

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THE DEAD AND THE QUICK: STRUCTURAL CORRESPONDENCES AND THEMATIC RELATIONSHIPS IN PROPERTIUS 4.7 AND 4.8

John Warden

Propertius 4.7 and 4.8 are to be read as a pair. This is clear from parallels in structure and content. An examination of pairings elsewhere in the corpus throws light on the poet's purpose. It is a technique for expanding the range of erotic poetry. By introducing the living Cynthia immediately after her funeral, the poet frees himself from the bonds of biography for more serious literary purposes.

SPARTA AND THE ELEAN WAR, CA 401/400 B.C.: REVENGE OR IMPERIALISM?

C. Falkner

Sparta did not attack Elis, ca 401 BC, solely for revenge or to win disputed territory. The timing of its invasion and its subsequent actions suggest that wider-ranging considerations were involved: by conquering Elis Sparta gained control of the Elean coastline and access to the Adriatic and the west.

Vers 401 av. J.-C., Sparte n'a pas attaqué l'Elide seulement par but de vengeance ou de conquête des territoires contestés. Le moment choisi pour l'invasion et les événements postérieurs suggèrent l'existence d'objectifs plus importants: en effet, par la conquête de l'Élide, Sparte obtint le contrôle de la côte, de mêeme que l'accès &a; l'Adriatique et &a; l'Ouest.

C. Falkner
Department of Classics
Queen's University
Kingston, Ontario
K7L 3N6

SERGIUS ORATA: INVENTOR OF THE HYPOCAUST?

Garrett G. Fagan

The evidence for Sergius Orata and his "hanging baths" (pensiles balineae) is subjected to close scrutiny and shown to be insufficient for securing Orata's role as the inventor of the hypocaust. Rather, the evidence suggests that pensiles balineae were fishponds of some sort. As a result, Orata ought to be excluded from the history of Roman baths.

L'auteur réexamine les documents concernant Sergius Orata et ses "bains suspendus" (pensiles balineae) et démontre qu'on ne peut les utiliser pour attribuer à Orata le rôle de l'inventeur de l'hypocauste. Ces documents suggèrent plutôt que ces pensiles balineae étaient en fait des espèces de viviers. Le nom d'Orata doit donc être biffé de l'histoire des bains romains.

Garrett G. Fagan
Department of Classical Studies
Davidson College
Davidson, North Carolina 78036-1719
U.S.A.

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VESPASIAN AND THE OMENS IN TACITUS HISTORIES 2.78

M. Gwyn Morgan

Discussions of this chapter focus on the omens which inspired Vespasian to seek the purple. But Tacitus is just as concerned with the effect of omens on the emperor's followers. That is why Basilides' prediction, made before A.D. 69, is reported.

Les discussions de ce passage de Tacite examinent généralement les présages qui poussèrent Vespasien à prétendre au trône. Cependant Tacite ne s'intéresse pas moins aux effets des ces mêmes présages sur l'entourage de Vespasien. C'est la raison pour laquelle l'historien relate ici la prédiction faite par Basilides avant 69 après J.-C.

M. Gwyn Morgan
Department of History
The University of Texas at Austin
Austin, TX 78712-1663
U.S.A.

The Iapyx Episode of Aeneid XII and Medical Tales in Myth and Mythography

J. D. Noonan

This analysis of the medical episode in Aeneid XII examines the links between the doctor Iapyx, who treats the hero's wound in a miraculous way in this passage, and healers and their remedies from medical tales in Greek myth and mythography. This piece also argues that these same lines (12.391-429) reflect Vergil's antiquarian research into medical lore that he imagined was more "primitive" than the medical lore in Homer.

On propose ici une analyse des rapports entre Iapyx, le chirurgien qui guérit d'une manière miraculeuse le héros blessé dans l'épisode médical du livre xiième de l'Énéide, et les médécins et leurs remèdes dans les contes médicaux de la mythologie et de la mythographie grecques. Cette analyse démontre aussi que le même passage Virgilien (12.391-429) reflète la recherche du poète sur les usages médicaux qu'il pensait plus primitifs que ceux d'Homère.

J. D. Noonan
Classics Program
University of South Florida
Tampa, FL 33620-5550
U.S.A.

PHILIP II, ALEXANDER AND THE TWO TYRANNIES AT ERESOS OF IG XII.2.526

J. BERT LOTT

The dossier of inscriptions from Eresos concerning two tyrannies associated with the reigns of Philip II and Alexander is re-examined and a new interpretation proposed: there appear to have been only two periods of tyranny, instead of the three proposed in previous studies -- the first supported by Philip II, and the second by Memnon, the Persian King's commander in the Aegean in 333.

L'auteur réexamine ici le dossier d'inscriptions d'Eresos au sujet de deux tyrannies de l'époque de Philippe II et Alexandre et en propose une nouvelle interprétation; il rejette l'hypothèse de trois périodes de tyrannies avanceée dans de rétudes et suggère qu'il n'y en aurait eu que deux -- la premi;egrave;re soutenue par Philippe II, la seconde par Memnon, général du roi perse dans la mer Égée en 333 av. J.-C.

J. Bert Lott
Department of History
The Wichita State University
Wichita, KS 67260
U.S.A.

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Alexander and Armenia

N. G. L. Hammond

In this article it is argued that a part of Alexander's army campaigned in Armenia when he was on his way to engage Darius in 331 B.C., and that Mithrenes was appointed satrap then of Armenia. The testimonia for this interpretation are passed under review.

N. G. L. Hammond
Clare College
Cambridge CB2 1TL
U.K.

Cicero's De Senectute 11, and the Date of C. Flaminius' Tribunate

Rachel Feig Vishnia

This paper attempts to clarify the discrepancies between the testimonies of Polybius and Cicero regarding the date of C. Flaminius' tribunate. It is argued that Cicero entered 228 as the year of Flaminius' tribunate for reasons of self aggrandizement, and not because he consulted an inferior source as suggested by Niccolini. Polybius' chronology (232) should be preferred.

Racher Feig Vishnia
Department of History
Tel Aviv University
Ramat Aviv 69978
Israel

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PUBLISHED IN V. 49

CORRECTIONS TO SUGGESTED CROSS-REFERENCES TO THE

LOST BOOKS OF AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS

R. M. Frakes

The nature of the lost first thirteen books of the Res Gestae of Ammianus Marcellinus is a well-known problem in late Roman historiography. Almost all knowledge of their contents comes from the cross-references in the extant books (XIV-XXXI). While many of the cross-references identified by scholars are clearly assured, this article takes issue with several passages which have been cited as ostensible cross-references to the lost books. Re-examination of Ammianus' use of cross-reference verbs and phrases indicates that sometimes scholars have wrongly identified as cross-references what are either cross-references to passages not in the lost books or historical alllusions. These allusions would fulfill such different purposes in the narrative as refreshing the memory of the audience about a person, place or event; comparing and contrasting people; or simply giving further historical commentary. The re-examination of all alleged cross-references to the lost books of Ammianus yields a list of valid cross-references as well as some general thoughts about dealing with cross-references in other ancient historians whose works have not survived in their entirety.

R. M. Frakes
Internationales Begegnungszentrum
Amalienstrasse 38
D-80799 Munich
Germany

THE LOST ARCHAIC WALL AROUND ATHENS

Robert G.A. Weir

Although most modern scholarship accepts the existence of a wall around the city of Athens in the Archaic period, there has been little discussion of its appearance, course, or date. This article uses archaeological comparanda, historical factors, and textual references to the wall to elucidate these characteristics. It also suggests as a reason for its total absence from the material record that its stone socle was robbed out when the Themistoklean circuit was built. All the evidence indicates that the first city wall of Athens resembled its Archaic counterparts and was not particularly strong, that it encompassed the Acropolis and Classical Agora, and that it was erected in the second half --probably the third quarter-- of the 6th c. BC.

Department of Art and Archaeology
McCormick Hall
Princeton, N.J. 08544-1018
U.S.A.

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PLUTARCH'S USE OF THUCYDIDES IN THE MORALIA

Frances B. Titchener

In light of the differences in Plutarch's aim and method, discussions of his use of Thucydides should differentiate between the two genres. In the Parallel Lives, Thucydides is a source of information. In the Moralia, he is, additionally, a source of ornamental quotations. Therefore, it is my contention that it is frequently Thucydides the stylist whom Plutarch cites in the Moralia, but almost always Thucydides the historian that Plutarch cites in the Parallel Lives. There can be no question of Plutarch's appreciation of Thucydides as an artist, and there can be no question of Plutarch's fondness for the liberal use of gnwmologiai. Perhaps Plutarch felt that the simultaneous use of Thucydides as historian and ornament was somehow distasteful--that one or the other was appropriate but not both. Perhaps he felt that Thucydides' eloquent writing style would interfere with the point of the biographies, whereas it would enhance the flow of the essays. The best explanation is that in the Parallel Lives, Plutarch used Thucydides as a primary source, while in the Moralia he is one of many secondary sources, frequently consulted in one of Plutarch's notebooks, where his admiration of Thucydides' writing style made the historian an important ingredient in Plutarch's own version of Bartlett's Familiar Quotations.

Frances B. Titchener
Department of History
Utah State University
Logan, UT 84322-0710
U.S.A.
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